Re: Racist token czar Reid >>OR<< speaking in a Negro Dialect

On 1/11/2010 12:54 PM, smorgas @&*$?%board.net wrote:
> On Mon, 11 Jan 2010 10:48:44 -0500, Beam Me Up Scotty
> wrote:
>
>> Did Al Sharpton forgive Harry Reid, while speaking in a Negro Dialect or
>> did he switch to a H&*$?%Y dialect to forgive Harry Reid?
>
> What difference?
>
> The GOP is a racist, conservative mirror of the former southern
> conservatives who flocked there because liberals supported the Civil
> rights act.

Lincoln
“Lincoln won the Republican Party nomination in 1860 and was elected
president later that year. His tenure in office was occupied primarily
with the defeat of the secessionist Confederate States of America in the
American Civil War. He introduced measures that resulted in the
*abolition* *of slavery* , issuing his *Emancipation Proclamation* in
1863 and promoting the passage of the *Thirteenth Amendment* to the
Constitution. Six days after the large-scale surrender of Confederate
forces under General Robert E. Lee, Lincoln became the first American
president to be assassinated.”

GRANT
“Popular due to the Union victory in the war, Grant was elected
President of the United States as a Republican in 1868 and re-elected in
1872, the first President to serve two full terms since Andrew Jackson
40 years before. As President, *Grant led Reconstruction* by signing and
*enforcing Congressional civil rights legislation* . Grant built a
powerful, patronage-based Republican Party in the South, straining
relations between the North and former Confederates. His administration
was marred by scandal, sometimes the product of nepotism; the neologism
Grantism was coined to describe political corruption.”

Civil Rights Act
“The bill was introduced by President John F Kennedy in his civil rights
speech of June 11, 1963,[1] in which he asked for legislation “giving
all Americans the right to be served in facilities which are open to the
public—hotels, restaurants, theaters, retail stores, and similar
establishments,” as well as “greater protection for the right to vote.”

He then sent a bill to Congress on June 19. *Emulating the Civil*
*Rights Act of 1875* , Kennedy’s civil rights bill included provisions
to ban discrimination in public accommodations, and to enable the U.S.
Attorney General to join in lawsuits against state governments which
operated segregated school systems, among other provisions. But it did
not include a number of provisions deemed essential by civil rights
leaders including protection against police brutality, ending
discrimination in private employment, or granting the Justice Department
power to initiate desegregation or job discrimination lawsuits.[2]

The bill was reported out of the Judiciary Committee in November 1963,
and referred to the Rules Committee, whose chairman, *Howard W.Smith* ,
*a Democrat* and *avid segregationist* from Virginia, indicated his
intention to keep the bill bottled up indefinitely. It was at this point
that President Kennedy was assassinated. The new president, Lyndon
Johnson, utilized his experience in legislative politics and the bully
pulpit he wielded as president in support of the bill.

Because of Smith’s stalling of the bill in the Rules Committee, Celler
filed a petition to discharge the bill from the Committee. Only if a
majority of members signed the discharge petition would the bill move
directly to the House floor without consideration by Smith’s committee.
Initially Celler had a difficult time acquiring the signatures
necessary, as even many congressmen who supported the civil rights bill
itself were cautious about violating House procedure with the discharge
petition. By the time of the 1963 winter recess, 50 signatures were
still needed.
The record of the roll call vote kept by the House Clerk on final
passage of the bill.

On the return from the winter recess, however, matters took a
significant turn. The pressure of the civil rights movement, the March
on Washington, and the President’s public advocacy of the Act had made a
difference of opinion in Representatives’ home districts, and soon it
became apparent that the petition would acquire the necessary
signatures. To prevent the humiliation of the success of the petition,
Chairman Smith allowed the bill to pass through the Rules Committee. The
bill was brought to a vote in the House on February 10, 1964, and passed
by a vote of 290 to 130, and sent to the Senate.

Johnson, who wanted the bill passed as soon as possible, ensured that
the bill would be quickly considered by the Senate. Normally, the bill
would have been referred to the Senate Judiciary Committee, chaired by
*Senator James O. Eastland* , Democrat from Mississippi. Under
Eastland’s care, it seemed impossible that the bill would reach the
Senate floor. Senate Majority Leader Mike Mansfield took a novel
approach to *prevent the bill from being relegated to Judiciary*
Committee limbo. Having initially waived a second reading of the bill,
which would have led to it being immediately referred to Judiciary,
Mansfield gave the bill a second reading on February 26, 1964, and then
proposed, in the absence of precedent for instances when a second
reading did not immediately follow the first, that the bill bypass the
Judiciary Committee and immediately be sent to the Senate floor for
debate. Although this parliamentary move led to a filibuster, the
senators eventually let it pass, preferring to concentrate their
resistance on passage of the bill itself.

The bill came before the full Senate for debate on March 30, 1964 and
the “Southern Bloc” of southern Senators led by *Richard Russell* (D-GA)
launched a *filibuster to prevent its passage* . Said Russell: “We will
resist to the bitter end any measure or any movement which would have a
tendency to bring about social equality and intermingling and
amalgamation of the races in our (Southern) states.”[5]

After 54 days of filibuster, *Senators Everett Dirksen* (R-IL),
*Thomas Kuchel* (R-CA), Hubert Humphrey (D-MN), and Mike Mansfield
(D-MT) introduced a substitute bill that they hoped would attract enough
Republican votes to end the filibuster. The compromise bill was weaker
than the House version in regard to government power to regulate the
conduct of private business, but it was not so weak as to cause the
House to reconsider the legislation.[6]

On the morning of June 10, 1964, *Senator Robert Byrd* (D-W.Va.)
completed an address that he had begun 14 hours and 13 minutes earlier
opposing the legislation. Until then, the measure had occupied the
Senate for 57 working days, including six Saturdays. A day earlier,
Democratic Whip Hubert Humphrey of Minnesota, the bill’s manager,
concluded he had the 67 votes required at that time to end the debate
and end the filibuster. With six wavering senators providing a four-vote
victory margin, the final tally stood at 71 to 29. Never in history had
the Senate been able to muster enough votes to cut off a filibuster on a
civil rights bill. And only once in the 37 years since 1927 had it
agreed to cloture for any measure.[7]“